Thứ Năm, 8 tháng 11, 2012

[Article] "The Horrors of a Slave Ship" of Olaudah Equiano


The Horrors of a Slave Ship

Olaudah Equiano

The author's birth and parentage--His being kidnapped with his sister--Their separation--Surprise at meeting again--Are finally separated--Account of the different places and incidents the author met with till his arrival on the coast--The effect the sight of a slave ship had on him--He sails for the West Indies--Horrors of a slave ship--Arrives at Barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed.
[1] I hope the reader will not think I have trespassed on his patience in introducing myself to him with some account of the manners and customs of my country. They had been implanted in me with great care, and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase, and which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since experienced served only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of one's country be real or imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an instinct of nature, I still look back with pleasure on the first scenes of my life, though that pleasure has been for the most part mingled with sorrow.
[2] I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth. My father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family, of which seven lived to grow up, including myself and a sister, who was the only daughter. As I was the youngest of the sons, I became, of course, the greatest favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and she used to take particular pains to form my mind. I was trained up from my earliest years in the art of war; my daily exercise was shooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems, after the manner of our greatest warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of eleven, when an end was put to my happiness in the following manner.
[3] Generally when the grown people in the neighborhood were gone far in the fields to labor, the children assembled together in some of the neighbors’ premises to play; and commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us; for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents' absence to attack and carry off as many as they could seize. One day, as I was watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I saw one of those people come into the yard of our next neighbor but one, to kidnap, there being many stout young people in it. Immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and he was surrounded by the stoutest of them, who entangled him with cords, so that he could not escape till some of the grown people came and secured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual, and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both, and, without giving us time to cry out, or make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a small house, where the robbers halted for refreshment, and spent the night. We were then unbound, but were unable to take any food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. The next morning we left the house, and continued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the woods, but at last we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now some hopes of being delivered; for we had advanced but a little way before I discovered some people at a distance, on which I began to cry out for their assistance: but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put me into a large sack. They also stopped my sister's mouth, and tied her hands; and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the sight of these people. When we went to rest the following night they offered us some victuals; but we refused it; and the only comfort we had was in being in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our tears. But alas! we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of weeping together.
[4] The next day proved a day of greater sorrow than I had yet experienced; for my sister and I were then separated, while we lay clasped in each other's arms. It was in vain that we besought them not to part us; she was torn from me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a state of distraction not to be described. I cried and grieved continually; and for several days I did not eat anything but what they forced into my mouth. At length, after many days travelling, during which I had often changed masters, I got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleasant country. This man had two wives and some children, and they all used me extremely well, and did all they could to comfort me; particularly the first wife, who was something like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey from my father's house, yet these people spoke exactly the same language with us. This first master of mine, as I may call him, was a smith, and my principal employment was working his bellows, which were the same kind as I had seen in my vicinity. They were in some respects not unlike the stoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered over with leather; and in the middle of that leather a stick was fixed, and a person stood up, and worked it, in the same manner as is done to pump water out of a cask with a hand pump. I believe it was gold he worked, for it was of a lovely bright yellow color, and was worn by the women on their wrists and ankles. I was there I suppose about a month and they at last used to trust me some little distance from the house. This liberty I used in embracing every opportunity to inquire the way to my own home: and I also sometimes, for the same purpose, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of water from the springs for the use of the house. I had also remarked where the sun rose in the morning, and set in the evening, as I had travelled along; and I had observed that my father's house was towards the rising of the sun. I therefore determined to seize the first opportunity of making my escape, and to shape my course for that quarter; for I was quite oppressed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great, was strengthened by the mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat with the free-born children, although I was mostly their companion.
[5] While I was projecting my escape, one day an unlucky event happened, which quite disconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I used to be sometimes employed in assisting an elderly woman slave to cook and take care of the poultry; and one morning, while I was feeding some chickens, I happened to toss a small pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle and directly killed it. The old slave, having soon after missed the chicken, inquired after it; and on my relating the accident (for I told her the truth, because my mother would never suffer me to tell a lie) she flew into a violent passion, threatened that I should suffer for it; and, my master being out, she immediately went and told her mistress what I had done. This alarmed me very much, and I expected an instant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful; for I had seldom been beaten at home. I therefore resolved to fly; and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myself in the bushes. Soon afterwards my mistress and the slave returned, and, not seeing me, they searched all the house, but not finding me, and I not making answer when they called to me, they thought I had run away, and the whole neighborhood was raised in the pursuit of me. In that part of the country (as in ours) the houses and villages were skirted with woods, or shrubberies and the bushes were so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them, so as to elude the strictest search. The neighbours continued the whole day looking for me, and several times many of them came within a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I then gave myself up for lost entirely, and expected every moment, when I heard a rustling among the trees, to be found out, and punished by my master: but they never discovered me, though they were often so near that I even heard their conjectures as they were looking about for me; and I now learned from them, that any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of them supposed I had fled towards home; but the distance was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I should be lost in the woods. When I heard this I was seized with a violent panic, and abandoned myself to despair. Night too began to approach, and aggravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home, and I had determined when it should be dark to make the attempt; but I was now convinced it was fruitless, and I began to consider that, if possibly I could escape all other animals, I could not those of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I must perish in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer:
--"Ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whisp'ring breath
Convey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death."
               [6] I heard frequent rustlings among the leaves; and being pretty sure they were snakes I expected every instant to be stung by them. This increased my anguish, and the horror of my situation became now quite insupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very faint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank anything all the day; and crept to my master's kitchen, from whence I set out at first, and which was an open shed, and laid myself down in the ashes with an anxious wish for death to relieve me from all my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning when the old woman slave, who was the first up, came to light the fire, and saw me in the fire place. She was very much surprised to see me, and could scarcely believe her own eyes. She now promised to intercede for me, and went for her master, who soon after came, and, having slightly reprimanded me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not to be ill-treated.
[7] Soon after this my master's only daughter, and child by his first wife, sickened and died, which affected him so much that for some time he was almost frantic, and really would have killed himself, had he not been watched and prevented. However, in a small time afterwards he recovered, and I was again sold. I was now carried to the left of the sun's rising, through many different countries, and a number of large woods. The people I was sold to used to carry me very often, when I was tired, either on their shoulders or on their backs. I saw many convenient well-built sheds along the roads, at proper distances, to accommodate the merchants and travellers, who lay in those buildings along with their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed.
[8] From the time I left my own nation I always found somebody that understood me till I came to the sea coast. The languages of different nations did not totally differ, nor were they so copious as those of the Europeans, particularly the English. They were therefore easily learned; and, while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling for a considerable time, when one evening, to my great surprise, whom should I see brought to the house where I was but my dear sister! As soon as she saw me she gave a loud shriek, and ran into my arms. I was quite overpowered: neither of us could speak; but, for a considerable time, clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do anything but weep. Our meeting affected all who saw us; and indeed I must acknowledge, in honor of those sable destroyers of human rights, that I never met with any ill treatment, or saw any offered to their slaves, except tying them, when necessary, to keep them from running away. When these people knew we were brother and sister they indulged us together; and the man, to whom I supposed we belonged, lay with us, he in the middle, while she and I held one another by the hands across his breast all night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together: but even this small comfort was soon to have an end; for scarcely had the fatal morning appeared, when she was again torn from me forever! I was now more miserable, if possible, than before. The small relief which her presence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehensions lest her sufferings should be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them. Yes, thou dear partner of all my childish sports! thou sharer of my joys and sorrows! happy should I have ever esteemed myself to encounter every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the sacrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortune have been able to remove it; so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings have damped my prosperity, they have mingled with adversity and increased its bitterness. To that Heaven which protects the weak from the strong, I commit the care of your innocence and virtues, if they have not already received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have not long since fallen victims to the violence of the African trader, the pestilential stench of a Guinea ship, the seasoning in the European colonies, or the lash and lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer.
[9] I did not long remain after my sister. I was again sold, and carried through a number of places, till, after travelling a considerable time, I came to a town called Tinmah, in the most beautiful country I have yet seen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and supplied a large pond in the center of the town, where the people washed. Here I first saw and tasted cocoa-nuts, which I thought superior to any nuts I had ever tasted before; and the trees, which were loaded, were also interspersed amongst the houses, which had commodious shades adjoining, and were in the same manner as ours, the insides being neatly plastered and whitewashed. Here I also saw and tasted for the first time sugar-cane. Their money consisted of little white shells, the size of the finger nail. I was sold here for one hundred and seventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I had been about two or three days at his house, when a wealthy widow, a neighbour of his, came there one evening, and brought with her an only son, a young gentleman about my own age and size. Here they saw me; and, having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. Her house and premises were situated close to one of those rivulets I have mentioned, and were the finest I ever saw in Africa: they were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to attend her. The next day I was washed and perfumed, and when meal-time came I was led into the presence of my mistress, and ate and drank before her with her son. This filled me with astonishment; and I could scarce help expressing my surprise that the young gentleman should suffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free; and not only so, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had taken first, because I was the eldest, which was agreeable to our custom. Indeed everything here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a slave. The language of these people resembled ours so nearly, that we understood each other perfectly. They had also the very same customs as we. There were likewise slaves daily to attend us, while my young master and I with other boys sported with our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been used to do at home. In this resemblance to my former happy state I passed about two months; and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and to forget by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the delusion vanished; for, without the least previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear master and companion was still asleep, I was wakened out of my reverie to fresh sorrow, and hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised.
[10] Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greatest happiness, I found myself most miserable; and it seemed as if fortune wished to give me this taste of joy, only to render the reverse more poignant. The change I now experienced was as painful as it was sudden and unexpected. It was a change indeed from a state of bliss to a scene which is inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element I had never before beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein such instances of hardship and cruelty continually occurred as I can never reflect on but with horror.
[11] All the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our own in their manners, customs, and language: but I came at length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all those particulars. I was very much struck with this difference, especially when I came among a people who did not circumcise, and ate without washing their hands. They cooked also in iron pots, and had European cutlasses and cross bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fists amongst themselves. Their women were not so modest as ours, for they ate, and drank, and slept, with their men. But, above all, I was amazed to see no sacrifices or offerings among them. In some of those places the people ornamented themselves with scars, and likewise filed their teeth very sharp. They wanted sometimes to ornament me in the same manner, but I would not suffer them; hoping that I might sometime be among a people who did not thus disfigure themselves, as I thought they did. At last I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live with their household utensils and provisions of all kinds. I was beyond measure astonished at this, as I had never before seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my surprise was mingled with no small fear when I was put into one of these canoes, and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night; and when we came to land, and made fires on the banks, each family by themselves, some dragged their canoes on shore, others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Those on the land had mats, of which they made tents, some in the shape of little houses: in these we slept; and after the morning meal we embarked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much astonished to see some of the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, come up again, and swim about.
[12] Thus I continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till, at the end of six or seven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast. It would be tedious and uninteresting to relate all the incidents which befell me during this journey, and which I have not yet forgotten; of the various hands I passed through, and the manners and customs of all the different people among whom I lived: I shall therefore only observe, that in all the places where I was the soil was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, eadas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in great abundance, and of incredible size. There were also vast quantities of different gums, though not used for any purpose; and everywhere a great deal of tobacco. The cotton even grew quite wild; and there was plenty of redwood. I saw no mechanics whatever in all the way, except such as I have mentioned. The chief employment in all these countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war.
[13] The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast, was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror, when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and tossed up to see if I were sound, by some of the crew; and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions, too, differing so much from ours, their long hair, and the language they spoke (which was very different from any I had ever heard), united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed, such were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my own country. When I looked round the ship too, and saw a large furnace of copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little, I found some black people about me, who I believed were some of those who had brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men with horrible looks, red faces, and long hair. They told me I was not, and one of the crew brought me a small portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but being afraid of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, instead of reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. Soon after this, the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to despair.
[14] I now saw myself deprived of all chance of returning to my native country, or even the least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that, with the loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend, Death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across, I think, the windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced anything of this kind before, and, although not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first time I saw it, yet, nevertheless, could I have got over the nettings, I would have jumped over the side, but I could not; and besides, the crew used to watch us very closely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water; and I have seen some of these poor African prisoners most severely cut, for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us? They gave me to understand, we were to be carried to these white people’s country to work for them.
[15] I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate; but still I feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruelty; and this not only shown towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. One white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more; and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my countrymen; I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the ship)? They told me they did not, but came from a distant one. “Then,” said I, “how comes it in all our country we never heard of them?” They told me because they lived so very far off. I then asked where were their women? had they any like themselves? I was told they had. “And why,” said I, “do we not see them?” They answered, because they were left behind. I asked how the vessel could go? They told me they could not tell; but that there was cloth put upon the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and then the vessel went on; and the white men had some spell or magic they put in the water when they liked, in order to stop the vessel. I was exceedingly amazed at this account, and really thought they were spirits. I therefore wished much to be from amongst them, for I expected they would sacrifice me; but my wishes were vain — for we were so quartered that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape.
[16] While we stayed on the coast I was mostly on deck; and one day, to my great astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up. As soon as the whites saw it, they gave a great shout, at which we were amazed; and the more so, as the vessel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At last, she came to an anchor in my sight, and when the anchor was let go, I and my countrymen who saw it, were lost in astonishment to observe the vessel stop—and were now convinced it was done by magic. Soon after this the other ship got her boats out, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ships seemed very glad to see each other. Several of the strangers also shook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands, signifying I suppose, we were to go to their country, but we did not understand them. At last, when the ship we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck, so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship’s cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died — thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable, and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps, for myself, I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs.
[17] Every circumstance I met with, served only to render my state more painful, and heightened my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes; and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one saw them, of trying to get a little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. One day, when we had a smooth sea and moderate wind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea; immediately, another quite dejected fellow, who, on account of his illness, was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and I believe many more would very soon have done the same, if they had not been prevented by the ship’s crew, who were instantly alarmed. Those of us that were the most active, were in a moment put down under the deck; and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard before, to stop her, and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However, two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for thus attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this accursed trade. Many a time we were near suffocation from the want of fresh air, which we were often without for whole days together. This, and the stench of the necessary tubs, carried off many. During our passage, I first saw flying fishes, which surprised me very much; they used frequently to fly across the ship, and many of them fell on the deck. I also now first saw the use of the quadrant; I had often with astonishment seen the mariners make observations with it, and I could not think what it meant. They at last took notice of my surprise; and one of them, willing to increase it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one day look through it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which disappeared as they passed along. This heightened my wonder; and I was now more persuaded than ever, that I was in another world, and that everything about me was magic.
[18] At last we came in sight of the island of Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great shout, and made many signs of joy to us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the vessel drew nearer, we plainly saw the harbor, and other ships of different kinds and sizes, and we soon anchored amongst them, off Bridgetown. Many merchants and planters now came on board, though it was in the evening. They put us in separate parcels, and examined us attentively. They also made us jump, and pointed to the land, signifying we were to go there. We thought by this, we should be eaten by these ugly men, as they appeared to us; and, when soon after we were all put down under the deck again, there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from these apprehensions, insomuch, that at last the white people got some old slaves from the land to pacify us. They told us we were not to be eaten, but to work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see many of our country people. This report eased us much. And sure enough, soon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the merchant’s yard, where we were all pent up together, like so many sheep in a fold, without regard to sex or age.
[19] As every object was new to me, everything I saw filled me with surprise. What struck me first, was, that the houses were built with bricks, in stories, and in every other respect different from those I had seen in Africa; but I was still more astonished on seeing people on horseback. I did not know what this could mean; and, indeed, I thought these people were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this astonishment, one of my fellow prisoners spoke to a countryman of his, about the horses, who said they were the same kind they had in their country. I understood them, though they were from a distant part of Africa; and I thought it odd I had not seen any horses there; but afterwards, when I came to converse with different Africans, I found they had many horses amongst them, and much larger than those I then saw. We were not many days in the merchant’s custody, before we were sold after their usual manner, which is this: On a signal given (as the beat of a drum), the buyers rush at once into the yard where the slaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best. The noise and clamor with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to increase the apprehension of terrified Africans, who may well be supposed to consider them as the ministers of that destruction to which they think themselves devoted. In this manner, without scruple, are relations and friends separated, most of them never to see each other again. I remember, in the vessel in which I was brought over, in the men’s apartment, there were several brothers, who, in the sale, were sold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occasion, to see and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Christians! might not an African ask you — Learned you this from your God, who says unto you, Do unto all men as you would men should do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends, to toil for your luxury and lust of gain? Must every tender feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery, with the small comfort of being together, and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? Why are parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives? Surely, this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretchedness of slavery.

Thứ Ba, 9 tháng 10, 2012

[Artical] "The Nadir of Race Relations" by John Boles



The Nadir of Race Relations

John Boles


[1] In agricultural practices, the South of 1930 or so seemed almost indistinguishable from the South of 1900 or 1870. Poor black and white framers walked behind mules in dusty cotton fields; lived in small, unpainted shacks made simply of planks nailed to a frame, without inner walls or ceilings; and stayed in hock to the furnishing merchant – almost powerless to change their lives for the better. The southern journalist, Walter Hines Page, returned to his homeland in 1920 after an absence of two decades and found life and labor practically unchanged; “pickled” was his phrase. “Southern rural society,” he wrote, “has remained stationary longer than English-speaking people have remained stationary anywhere else in the world.” But in one area there was change, and in large measure for the worse. Perhaps it should be no surprise that in an era of increasing agricultural poverty and the disillusionment following the Populist collapse, white racism increased. Blacks became the scapegoats for the frustration, poverty, and bitterness of poor whites, and the white establishment harnessed this displaced anger to thwart threats to its power. Blacks’ hard-earned economic successes, limited though they were, by implication threatened whites’ image of superiority, and the specter of black political influence in the wake of the Populist revolt unleashed white hate. White politicians played the race card to push down blacks and created a rape hysteria to weld together a cross-class coalition of white support. The poorest class of white women were elevated by political rhetoric to the sacred ranks of southern ladyhood in order to win the support of their husbands at the polls – white economic interests were trumped by social fears. This was the nadir of race relations in post-slavery America.
[2] Blacks were almost completely disenfranchised by the end of the century, but disenfranchisement is only one index of the dilemma.  Lynching had long been a weapon of vigilantes in the South. Well into the 1880s, it was frequently used against whites, but the race of its victims changed. In 1885, for example, of the 184 lynching in the nation (almost all of which were in the South). 110 of the victims were white, 74 black. By 1900, the ratio had drastically reversed; of 115 total lynchings, 9 were of whites, and 106 victims were black. Two blacks a week were lynched in the South. The number of lynchings decreased in the next three decades, but the overwhelming majority of victims remained black - 53 blacks and 5 whites in 1920; 20 blacks and 1 white in 1930. In addition, many southern trials were simply domesticated forms of lynching, with evidence ignored and innocent blacks - like the nine so-called Scottsboro boys in Alabama in 1931 - victimized by what were, in effect, kangaroo courts. It has been suggested that southern white men who had largely lost their ability to provide for their families sought in compensation to enhance their many self-images by casting black males as beasts - as an enemy with - from whom their white families had to be protected.
[3] Prominent white southerners also, men and women, publicly and privately defended the lynching of blacks as necessary to defend Western civilization, the scantily of womanhood, and the southern way of life. In fact, a distinct minority of lynching victims were accused of raping white women, yet in the rhetoric used to defend the heinous practice of lynching, rape was almost always the alleged crime being punished or being prevented. The climate of hate and suspicion, fanned by such spokesperson as Tom Watson, the former Georgia Populist leader, and Senator Furnifold Simmons of North Carolina, created an environment where almost unbelievable prejudice and violence became socially acceptable. Even a white person who seemed foreign or insufficiently supportive of southern customs could be shunned, beaten, or killed. Leo Frank, for example, a mild-mannered, well-educated, but Brooklyn-reader Jewish factory manager in Atlanta, was accused in 1931 of raping and killing a thirteen-year-old white girl, Mary Phagan, who worked in his factory. The evidence was scanty, but the jury, whose members hate and feared people of the Jewish "race," convicted Frank and sentenced him to die. When the governor, after an investigation, commuted Frank's sentence to life imprisonment, an outraged mob on August 17, 1915, seized Frank from his jail cell in Marietta and lynched him. What happened to Frank - which became a cause célébre across the nation - happened to hundreds of blacks throughout the South.
[4] Many lynchings were not secret affairs, conducted surreptitiously under cover of darkness or sheets. On the contrary, lynchings often became public spectacles, with huge crowds, voluntary participation, refreshments served, innocent blacks terrified, law enforcement officials averting their eyes. At some of the more outrageous events, any interested party could shoot, stab, hit, burn, or otherwise brutalize the victim. A particularly brutal fate befell Sam Hose, a black from rural Georgia community who allegedly killed his white employee, raped his wife, and robbed them as well. Hose was apprehended and lynched on April 23, 1899, with special trains bringing spectators from Atlanta to witness the Sunday event. After the lynching, Hose was burned, his body cut open, and cooked slices of his heart and liver sold as prize souvenirs; his knuckles were later displayed in the window of an Atlanta grocery store. In the largest sense, the respectable white society condoned such barbarities while members of the lower order did most of the dirty work. In 1898, Rebecca Latimer Felton of Georgia, a leading Methodist layperson, journalist, prohibitionist, feminist, and the first woman appointed to the U.S. Senate, exhorted white men that "if it takes lynching to protect woman's dearest possession from drunken, ravening human beasts, then I say lynch a thousand a week if it becomes necessary."
[5] Popular stereotypes and literary depictions of blacks revealed the heightened racial animosities during the 1890s and thereafter. The iconography of blacks degenerated. Children's books, cartoons, face mugs, miniature status for lawns, knick-knacks, and advertising all exaggerated the black phenotype. Every black male had grossly oversized lips, bulging eyes, and awkward posture; every black woman was rotund, with a shiny black face and a turban; every black child seemed to cavort unharmed with jungle animals and eat watermelon and appear not fully human. Often these images were not consciously vicious, although on occasion black males were depicted with razor in hand as though a quick slice was as natural as a handshake. Blacks were shown as decidedly comical or dangerous or ridiculous, never as mature, thinking, self-possessed adults: even the images that whites insisted were lovable were inherently demeaning to blacks.
[6] Popular literature and film expressed identical images, as did vernacular humor One of the more vicious literary portrayals occurred in Thomas Dixon, Jr.'s, lurid bestseller, The Leopard's Sports: A Romance of the White Man's Burden, 1865-1990 (1902) and The Clansman: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan (1905). These two novels represented the darkest interpretation of Reconstruction, a vengeful period in American history when evil outside forces attempted to destroy southern white Christian civilization and mongrelize the population. Every imaginable stereotype was given memorable form: opportunistic, corrupt carpetbaggers hoping to enrich themselves; mousy scalawags bent on humiliating former planters; ignorant, smelly, barbarous blacks whose votes were manipulated by the carpetbaggers; beautiful white women, pious and genteel, subject to the animalistic desires of black beats; and heroic southern white men fighting against all odds for civilization. The obvious stereotypes ring hollow today, but such images seemed to many white southerners at the turn of the century to capture essential truths about the last generation. Blacks were the foulest villains: no longer smiling, suffering Sambos, but evil beasts. Such images lay behind the white defenses of disenfranchisement and lynching. The Clansman was loosely adapted as the story line for the 1915 movie Birth of a Nation, breathtakingly innovative cinematographically but reactionary in message. When Woodrow Wilson first saw this film, with its stark portrayal of Reconstruction, he is said to have commented that this was history written with lightning. The racist portrayals of blacks, larger than life on the silver screen, were seared into the southern white psyche.
[7] It is difficult for readers today to grasp how rigid and far-reaching segregation became in the South during the two generations after 1900. Blacks went to separate schools and churches, lived in separate parts of town (often called "nigger town" or "nigger quarters"), used separate water fountains and restrooms, and had separate waiting rooms; they were often prohibited from parks, playgrounds, and music halls; and they could not sit in a restaurant and order a meal - perhaps they could enter through a back door and eat in the kitchen with the cooks. Blacks had to sit at the rear trolleys and in special train cars; they often could not try on clothes in department stores; they could not stay at "white" hotels but had to try to find black relatives or an obliging black family to stay with when traveling across the South - a dangerous trip even when not inconvenient. Curfews were enforced in some cities - Mobile in 1909, for example, required blacks to be off the streets by 10:00 PM. In every personal interaction with a white, blacks had to be careful to be properly deferential, to "know their place."
[8] The retribution for being "uppity" could be both economic and physical, and, if a white woman was involved, a black male even rumored to have breached in the slightest regard the racial etiquette was very likely to be severely beaten, castrated, or killed. Several southern cities - Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898, New Orleans in 1900, Atlanta in 1906, for example - suffered terrible race riots: In Atlanta as many as ten thousand whites went on a rampage against blacks, killing or beating every black they encountered. When the violence finally subsided after hours of lawless assaults, 25 blacks were death, 150 wounded, and hundreds left the city for good. Over a thousand black Wilmingtonians fled that city never to return. Black prison inmates were also victimized by the cruel system of leasing them out to private employers, and when that was reformed was only moderated, not stopped. Violence toward blacks was the reverse side of south gentility. Blacks often had no practical recourse but to grin and bear it or to flee the region; and millions fled. In 1910, fifty years after the Civil War, nine out of ten American blacks still lived in the South; by 1960, only six out of ten blacks live in Dixie. In that half-century, 4,473,300 blacks migrated from the South to the North and the West.

[9] Blacks in the South constituted a society with a society. Blacks lived in segregated sections of cities, and black-owned businesses and a black professional class arose to serve their needs. Black leadership came disproportionately from this business and professional class, especially from ministers. Following the organization of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1908, black leaders joined the NAACP in hopes of advancing their race. Efforts in the South had to be cautions, gradual, and piecemeal. For most American whites, and probably most southern blacks, the preeminent black leader was educator Booker T. Washington.
[12] New Englander William E.B. Du Bois, who was the first black to earn a Ph.D. at Harvard (1895), disdained such temporizing and argued that a talented minority of blacks should work for enhanced opportunities in matters cultural and social as well as economic. Du Bois argued that Washington insufficiently appreciated black culture and history and was too deferential toward the regnant ideas of business capitalism. Du Bois's eloquent book of essays, The Souls of Black Folk (1930), a kind of antidote to Up From Slavery, also became a classic and was particularly venerated by black intellectuals. The black community itself was divided on the proper response to segregation, but maneuvering room for southern blacks was extremely limited.

[13] In the early-twentieth century, as in slavery times, some blacks did learn ways to carve out more autonomy and freedom of action than the system seemed to allow. Black ingenuity, creativity, and an inextinguishable desire to maximize control of their own lives resulted in a limited degree of black progress, prosperity, and cultural expression in a desperately racist society. Black businessmen in certain trades, especially those with an all-black clientele, occasionally prospered, and the National Negro Business League by 1915 had dozens of chapters across the South. Throughout the region there were prosperous black stores, pharmacies, and funeral homes. Black banks, though usually small and prone to failure because of their depositors' weak resources, nonetheless sprouted across the South. Several black-owned and-operated insurance companies were founded, the largest of which was the North Caroline Mutual Life Insurance Company of Durham, established in 1899 by John Merrick.
[14] Blacks churches grew rapidly in size and influence in the decades after Preconstruction, and frequently they were the largest religious instructions in southern cities. The churches ministered to a broad spectrum of human needs - social, educational, economic, cultural, and recreational - not just spiritual. Black women, especially, found in the churches an opportunity for service and growth, although the male ministers were often authoritarian. Black fraternal organizations and social clubs offered additional ways for finding an arena for self-expression and community service. A typically impressive self-help community organization was the Neighborhood League, founded in 1908 in Atlanta by Mrs. Lugenia Hope, the wife of Atlanta University president John Hope. The neighborhood Union successfully advocated street, sanitation, and educational improvements in the city's black neighborhoods. In other states and other cities, talented black women - like Charlotte Hawkins Browns in North Carolina - organized clubs, civic leagues, and even interracial initiatives with white women reformers to offer home demonstration courses, sewing classes, and health clinics. No matter how bad conditions got, many black women maintained their dignity and dedicated heroic amounts of time and effort to "raise their race." But while it is important to recognize black victories over the system, one should never minimize the prejudice, poverty, injustice, and violence that afflicted southern blacks in the midst of what was ironically labeled the Progressive Era.
[15] During the course of World War I, approximately fifty thousand American blacks, most of them from the South, served in the military. Most of them had auxiliary duties, but some were combatants and, because of their bravery and ferocious fighting, they suffered casualties out of proportion to their numbers. When black soldiers returned home after the war, they found racism just as entrenched as before. The war might have been intended to make the world safe for democracy, but democracy was for whites only in the American South. Black soldiers were less willing after their military experience to turn the other cheek to repeated insults and injury. The result, in response usually to unprovoked assaults by whites, was a series of deadly race riots in Longview and Houston, Texas; in Knoxville, Tennessee in Elaine, Arkansas; in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The North, too, was wracked with a string of bloody confrontations, and a newly emergent Ku Klux Klan found as strong as an acceptance in the North and West as in the South. Catholics, immigrants, and outsiders in general, not just blacks, were the victims of the resurgent KKK of the 1920s.
[16] Southern rural blacks in particular, though, were pummeled with repeated blows of hateful racism, random violence, and a cotton economy ravaged by boll weevils and overproduction. Blacks were hardly in a position to withstand the collapse of the sharecropping system. When, during the Great Depression, planters reduced their crop acreage and kept the government reimbursements to themselves, blacks had no means to defend their interests. When white government officials disbursed welfare payments and severely discriminated against blacks, no effective black challenge could be mounted. Whites, often ravaged by the depression themselves, could rarely find within themselves the moral resources to be magnanimous toward the poor blacks in their midst. In this context, the effort of the NAACP to chip away legally at the monolith of segregation is a tale of heroism and persistence.
[17] One of the first efforts of the NAACP was through research and publication to reveal the extent of lynching in the South. A study was issued in 1919 but had little effect, and in 1929, Walter White, executive secretary of the NAACP, published Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch. The NAACP, with the help of northern liberals, tried to push federal antilynching legislation through Congress. Southern congressmen fought these efforts hard and successfully. Although Eleanor Roosevelt encouraged her husband to propose racial reform, Franklin D. Roosevelt thought his New Deal programs too dependent on southern Democratic support to risk alienating southern congressmen on the lynching issue. The concern of southern whites - especially the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching, organized in 1930 by Jessie Daniel from Texas - over the damage to the South's reputation caused annually fell to eight, then six, then two, in 1939.
[19] As storm clouds of war rose over Europe at the end of the decade, few observers of the South fully understood the significance of the changes underway. Blacks were leaving the South in record numbers, propelled by crushing rural poverty, the constant threat of violence, and continuing racial discrimination. The boll weevil, crop limitation policies, and the bare hint of the farm mechanization suggested that real agricultural change was imminent. The courts seemed to reformers to be the mechanism to break the nearly fatal hold of legal segregation. But taken as a whole, the South still seemed to be pickled in time, as Walter Hines Page had described it, rather than a region on the edge of transformation. W.J. Cash, a North Carolina journalist who had a morbid fascination with the South and a penchant overripe prose, summed up his critical evaluation of the South’s entire a history and – in The Mind of the South, published in 1941, now universally considered a classic – deemed the region’s history tragically marked by continuity with the past. But he was writing of the South he had known. Even so probing an analyst as Cash could not foresee as the decade of the 1930s closed that the South was nearing the end of an era. Events in the next decade and a half would reconstruct the South was nearing the end of an era. Events in the next decade and a half would reconstruct the South more completely than had the Civil War and Reconstruction four score years earlier.